This passage from Florida: A Guide to the Southernmost State mentions the existence of both black and white jooks. Though jooks definitively evolved as black social institutions, there is evidence that white equivalents were flourishing as early as the early 1930s.

Katrina Hazzard-Gordon, in Jookin': The Rise of Social Dance Formations in African-American Culture, establishes that the term "jook or juke has entered the vocabulary of white dialects of Georgia and northern Florida. Whites use it as a verb- to go "jucking," or go partying" (80). (See also Will McGuire's work on white usage of the term "jook.")

The FWP guide argues that with the end of prohibition, when distinctions between mainstream establishments and clubs that ran illegal operations were no longer as socially useful, jooks ceased to be considered quite as marginal and white (the implication is mainstream) gathering places starting being called jooks; "To the Florida Negro is attributed the coinage of the word 'jook,' now in general use among Florida white people. First applied to Negro dance halls around turpentine camps, the term was expanded with the repeal of prohibition to include roadside dine-dance places, and now to go 'jooking' means to attend any night club" (133).

The fact that the guide mentions white and black jooks as separate institutions makes perfect sense for a context like Florida in the 1930s, when Jim Crow law ruled. It seems unlikely that the two races would mix in after-hours establishments when the racial situation in Florida was quite bleak; as Michael Gannon explains in Florida: A Short History,

few of the material and social advances registered by the twenties touched the lives of Florida's African-American citizens, who, even after a migration of 40,000 to northern states in the period 1916-1920, constituted 30 percent of the population and lived primarily in the backcountry, far from the land of the travel folders. There, bedeviled by white supremacy advocates, Jim Crow laws, capricious enforcement of vagrancy legislation, poor schools, if any, voting laws that barred them from the Democratic primaries, and a seemingly endless cycle of economic exploitation and impoverishment, blacks experienced life of a kind unimagined in the white coastal resorts, where about the only signs of prejudicial activity towards the few blacks in evidence were separate restrooms, drinking fountains, and other facilities for the 'colored.' Furthermore, blacks in the interior knew that at any time, for the slightest offense, real or imagined, they could be subject to physical violence, including death. The lawless character of the hinterland, combined with the whites' racism, caused Florida to lead the country in lynchings, 4.5 per 10,000 blacks, twice the rates in Mississippi, Georgia, and Louisiana, three times the rate in Alabama, six times the rate in South Carolina. An entire black town could be obliterated on the slightest suggestion of wrongdoing, as happened at Rosewood (near Cedar Keys) in 1923...so could an entire black section of town, as at Ocoee (near Orlando) [three years before]. (86)